Part of the openDemocracy Network
The Damian Green AffairA Very British Arrest: Laura Sandys on the precedent of her father's 1939 experience. One reason why the police are dangerous, undemocratic and stupid: Anthony Barnett condemns an attack on democracy. Questioned by the Met: An MP's experience: Tony Clarke on the crucial differences with his own case. A Constitutional Failure: The Damian Green case highlights the need for a written constitution, argues Tom Griffin. Immigration islands
The Return of Enoch: Enoch Powell's repatriation agenda must not be rehabilitated, argues Sunder Katwala. The ugly economics of immigration: Paul Kingsnorth on why the left is out of step with working class interests. Immigration and the Politics of Resentment: Shamser Sinha suggests the real problem is a politics that turns neighbour against neighbour. A neoliberal kingdom
Britain’s neo-liberal state: The financial crisis exposes the need for democratic modernisation, argue Gerry Hassan and Anthony Barnett. Sortition and public policyMODERN LIBERTY
Labour After BrownThe next left -Life after the Labour Party: Gerry Hassan sees a historic opportunity for the emergence of a post-New Labour left. Scottish Labour, where's the coffee?: Gerry Hassan assesses the prospects for Scottish Labour and its new leader. Lesson for the Left from Chile to Britain: Hassan Akram offers a global perspective on Labour's malaise. From Milibland to Johnson land?: Jeremy Gilbert argues for Labour without neo-liberalism. Magical thinking on Britishness: Anthony Barnett critiques Liam Byrne on fraternity. Rule of law at risk: Geoffrey Bindman calls for a turn away from the marketisation of government. A new Bill of Rights for Britain?: Guy Aitchison analyses Parliament's proposed new Bill of Rights. Miliband - by our rights we will know you: Claire O'Brien puts forward a new progressive vision for Labour. Navigation |
The real threat from the BNPStuart Weir (Cambridge, Democratic Audit): Two years ago Democratic Audit and two of our partners, Helen Margetts and Peter John, provoked a storm when we suggested that the British National Party had a far larger potential electoral support than specialist political scientists believed. The conventional view was that far-right parties in the UK were an insignificant political force. We compounded their ire by getting a front-page article in the New Statesman and a great deal of media coverage (but see our report, The BNP- The Roots of its Appeal, for the full story up to then). Now Stuart Wilks-Heeg, joint author of Whose Town is it Anyway?, has published a cogent article in Parliamentary Affairs, that builds on our analysis and takes the story up to the 2007 local elections where the BNP secured 300,000 votes for 754 candidates. There are currently 55 BNP councillors, spread across 22 local councils. While the BNP’s overall share of the vote was small, at around 1 to 2 per cent, geographical concentrations of their vote have enabled the far right to establish unprecedented levels of representation in local government. Wilks-Heeg analyses electoral data research findings from Burnley to argue convincingly that the BNP’s breakthrough constitutes a stark warning about the “advanced state of decay of local representative government in England”. Conventional analysis still insists that there is no need to be alarmed by the BNP, arguing that it hasn’t a large enough membership to stand candidates across the country and that the support it gains is little more than a sporadic “protest vote”. Moreover, there is still a tendency to write them off as a bunch of thugs. In fact, as we argued and Wilks-Heeg demonstrates, the BNP is a very savvy political party that effectively employs electoral strategies modelled in part on Liberal Democrat pavement politics. They do not have large numbers of members, but they are very good at concentrating them in areas that they have identified as probably sympathetic. They then capitalise on local anger about real and perceived grievances and exploit popular anxieties about immigration and “multi-culturalism”. Of course they fail as often as they succeed. They are also not the only beneficiaries of the decaying hold of the major parties. As Wilks-Heeg points out, there are twice as many sitting Green councillors in England as there are BNP councillors. But as some commentators have also warned, the growth of the BNP vote since 2001, while heavily concentrated in a number of specific localities, “is reminiscent of that in France in the mid-1980s”, when Le Pen’s Front National was on its way to national prominence.
To race through what is a sophisticated and nuanced account that deserves to be widely read in full, Wilks-Heeg argues that the BNP’s advance cannot be attributed as it often has been (by me, as with others) to the weakness of the Labour Party locally and its turn towards central campaigning aimed at marginals. He shows that it is the collective weakness of the mainstream parties at local level that leaves local democracy vulnerable to the BNP. In Burnley, his case study shows for example that local representative
democracy is sustained by a core group of activists who constitute just 0.1 per cent of the town’s population. A staggering thought. And now a final jump. He ends with this among other conclusions:
The BNP may not be “one crisis away from power”, as Nick Griffin likes to boast. But with profound economic instability upon us, they may well be nearer to the hearts and minds of many more people in local areas across the country. There's a good article on the Witanagemot pages entitled 'Mongrel nation' (not written by me). Personally I think the left shoots itself in the foot when it says that there has always been migration, and Britain has always been multi-cultural. The fact is that contemporary immigrants have arrived in unprecedented numbers, and from places not previously dreamt of. That causes a clash of cultures, competition for resources and problems in regard to integration. If the left could admit that instead of pretending that everything is so hunky dorey, and Britain has always been like this (it hasn't, and people remember when it wasn't) then there might be a chance of a grown up debate. GetReal - You are right that today's 'multicultural' and multi-ethnic Britain is unprecedented. But this doesn't mean the country was previously 'homogenous.' Yes, most people were white, but this was still a state made up of four separate nations - five if you choose to include Cornwall - at least two of which were agitating to break away from the union, and one of which used violence in order to achieve that aim. Within those nations, regional cultural diversity was also much more pronounced than it is today. My point was not that 'we have always been multicultural' in the contemporary sense of that word, because clearly we haven't. But neither have we ever been the cosy ethnically homogenous 'extended family' that Nick Griffin likes to bang on about. More widely, and more importantly, the question is: why does this matter? My view is that we should be concerned about the fragmentation of British society on a number of levels. A tendency towards ethnic and religious ghettoisation is one of them (though not the only one) and we need to do something about it. The left certainly needs to be more honest in acknowledging this than it has been thus far. But this is a cultural and political issue - it is not a racial one. People like the first poster here seem to believe that people of different races living in the same country is a problem in itself. I don't agree, and I doubt many people in Britain do these days either. Even if you do agree, there's nothing you can do about it, so you'd be better off going and doing something more positive and humane than complaining about it. Hazel Freakin Blears has entered 'the debate' now:
"Sometimes people feel the political world is very far-removed from their everyday existence. There's something about the language we use... it's sometimes It makes me shudder to think that we are governed by such vacuous imbeciles. People have been warning Labour about the BNP for the past decade, and their response is just to talk down the immigration problem or say that there's no upper limit. "There's something about the language we use.." What's that Hazell, the language you say, you mean the way that Labour imply that anyone that is concerned about immigration is a racist? I find it telling that the main parties attribute the rise of the BNP to their 'failure to communicate' or to 'connect', especially with white working class voters. The implication is that if they can only start 'communicating' or 'connecting' again, all will be well. This is what the main parties have been saying for a decade, as voter turnout slides and minority parties gain. They seem to think it's all about failed marketing. There's no doubt that the BNP's rise is fuelled by immigration - but this is also only part of the story. Few people in this country, I would imagine (and hope), are concerned about our lack of 'racial homogeneity', as the poster above suggests. And few people, actually, are especially badly affected directly by immigration, in the sense of experiencing overcrowding, rapid cultural change, waits for housing etc. Some certainly are, but much of the rest of the resentment is filtered through the media - which is why most of the stories you hear in pubs about 'asylum seekers being given free houses and cars' never happened to the teller - only to a friend of a friend ... It seems to me that the rise of the BNP could convincingly be lumped in with the rise of anti-immigrant parties elsewhere in Europe; with the rise of left-wing anti-capitalism; with jihadism; and even with English and Cornish nationalism - in the sense that they are all reactions to the insecurity and loss caused by capitalist globalisation. In all these cases, people are turning to things that seem solid, ancient, 'real' and based on community rather than money. Some of these reactions seem reasonable to me, with some solidity behind them. Others - the BNP, the jihadis - are based on creating false stories about a pure past (a racially homogenous Britain; the paradise that was the Caliphate) and identifying enemies that prevent it from being reborn (immigrants and communists; Americans and corrupt Saudi princes). This explains, incidentally, the fact that the BNP is indeed a mix of a kind of old-fashioned working class Labourism (strong unions and co-ops), modern environmentalism (energy independence and windfarms) and good old-fashioned xenophobia. In their own way, these are all comforting. And what the world needs right now is comfort. 'All that is solid melts into air ...' [are based on creating false stories about a pure past (a racially homogenous Britain)] There's nothing imaginary about it. Before World War II there were a grand total of 7000 resident non-whites in Britain. Sounds pretty homogenous to me! This tendency of the Left to pretend that Britain has always been as 'vibrantly multicultural' as it is today is wildly dishonest. Surely the point here builds on the long history of warnings about the financial emasculation of local government since Thatcher's days. If they do not have their own resources, whether from the business rate, local VAT, and more intelligent rates, they can't respond to local needs whatever party they are. This provides an opening for those with a new argument while all the main parties get demoralised and their members leave, givinging up on their thankless task. Then the advance of the BNP (or the Greens) is used by the the main parties and the Westminster administrators to justify their refusal to allow local communities their own budgets because they 'can't be trusted'. You tell him Random !! It is significant that the BNP's support is concentrated in Labour areas.
The BNP are not "far-right"! Their economic policies and nationalism are left-wing, nothing to do with the right. They are nationalist socialists, as opposed to the internationalist socialists in communist parties. No, they're right-wing. They follow a paternalistic conservative attitude, albeit more extreme. Why do you think they tried to sign a pact with UKIP? There's no mystery about the progress of the BNP - only blinkered, politically correct establishment grovellers fail to see the way in which our traditional British culture and identity is being destroyed by a Communist or Marxist cabal at the heart of our democracy - and all without our permission and with no apparent benefit to the majority of us. I always thought democracy is government of the people by the people - where and when did we give a mandate for converting our racially homogeneoous society into a multiracial one? Dear Stuart, It's a continuing pleasure to gently disagree with you. We've actually met, if you recall––two Americans, playwrights, in a pub in Grantham in early 2007. We'd like very much to get back in touch. Any suggestions on how best to do this? Look me up on Google under Mark Rigney, I'm not hard to find. Cheers, and we hope this doesn't interrupt the flow of the blog responses overmuch. Maybe if Britain didn't have an appalling colonial history you might have a leg to stand on. As it is Commonwealth citizens are here because your ancestors were there and part of the reason why developing nations are in the state they're in is because of the economic policies Britain supports. And when exactly was Britain racially homogenous? You want to tell me there was once a Golden Age when everyone in the British Isles was Caucasian? http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1464209/Borders-folk-may-be-descended-from-Africans.html Africans have been here at least since the Roman occupation. ''and with no apparent benefit to the majority of us''. Believe it or not the wealth of the UK is built on slave labour. If you personally haven't benefitted from that please don't believe those that say it's immigrants that have caused that. If the case is that a tiny elite (non-immigrants all of them) have a disproportionate amount of the wealth then may I suggest you're barking up the wrong tree.
Post new comment |
The World
OK is reading
|
Recent comments
5 hours 27 min ago
7 hours 8 min ago
11 hours 27 min ago
12 hours 38 min ago
13 hours 51 min ago
14 hours 4 min ago
14 hours 12 min ago
14 hours 27 min ago
14 hours 45 min ago
16 hours 21 min ago